Introduction Islam is the predominant religion in Yemen, where the population is almost entirely Muslim. The religion first made inroads in the 7th century C.E., during the diffusion of Islam throughout the Arabian Peninsula and beyond. In Yemen, its spread was complicated by competing Islamic sects, which, over several centuries, strove for political and spiritual dominance in the region. Thomas D. Gochenour, “Towards a Sociology of the Islamisation of Yemen,” in Contemporary Yemen: Politics and Historical Background, ed. B.R. Pridham (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 8–17. Today, Yemen is home to two major Muslim groups, the Shafi’is and the Zaydis, which follow different schools or sects of Islam. The Shafi’is take their name from the Shafi’i school of Sunni Islam, while the Zaydis are a Shi’a Muslim sect. A third group, known broadly as Isma’ilis, also lives in Yemen, although its numbers are relatively few. Yemen’s small non-Muslim population consists mainly of Jews and Christians, the latter of whom are typically foreigners. Jews are the only native non-Muslim people in Yemen. Their once-large population has fallen because of emigration, mostly to Israel. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, “International Religious Freedom Report 2009: Yemen,” 26 October 2009, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127361.htm Islam shapes not only the daily lives of Yemenis but also the country’s social organization, politics, and government. It is the state religion and its legal code (shari’a) is enforced by Yemeni law. The spread of religious extremism is a pressing concern. An insurgency in the north (led by the al-Houthi family) and a growing terrorism threat (led by al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) are partially fueled by religious motivations. Jeremy M. Sharp, “Yemen: Background and U.S. Relations” (report, Congressional Research Service, 13 January 2010), 8, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34170.pdf Yet for many observers, the spread of religious extremism and insurgency stems from the country’s serious economic troubles. IRIN, “Analysis: Yemen’s Rebellions Fuelled by Economic Meltdown,” 4 February 2010, http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87996 In any case, Islam is the foundation of Yemeni society. Islam Basic Tenets Islam is a monotheistic religion, meaning its followers believe in a single God. In the Muslim community, or ummah, God is known as Allah. The Arabic term islam means “to submit” or “to surrender.” A Muslim, therefore, is one who submits to the will of Allah. Muslims believe that Allah revealed his message to the Prophet Muhammad, a merchant who lived in Arabia from 570 to 632 C.E. They consider Muhammad the last of a long line of prophets that included Abraham (Ibrahim), Moses (Musa), and Jesus (Esa). In this way, Muslims share the lineage of the Judaic and Christian traditions. But they believe the message relayed by Muhammad is the final revelation of the faith. This message is recited in the Quran, the sacred scriptures of Islam. Additional sacred texts include the hadith, a collection of the sayings of Muhammad, and the sunnah, which describes the practices of Islam as shown through Muhammad’s behavior. BBC, “Religions: Islam: Texts: The Qur’an,” 8 September 2009, http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/texts/quran_1.shtml The essential beliefs and rites of the Islamic faith are encapsulated in the five pillars of Islam. The first, foundational pillar is the sincere recitation of the Muslim declaration of faith, or shahada: “There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the prophet of Allah.” The remaining pillars include: the performance of ritual prayers five times a day (salat); the giving of alms to the poor and needy, typically through a tax on income (zakat); fasting during the holy month of Ramadan (sawm); and the undertaking of a pilgrimage to the Islamic holy city of Mecca (hajj). Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Islam: Fundamental Practices and Institutions of Islam: The Five Pillars,” 14 May 2015, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/295507/Islam/69147/Social-service#toc69148 Muslims believe that Allah will judge them for their actions on earth, assigning them to spend their afterlife in heaven or hell. BBC, “Religions: Islam: Beliefs: Basic Articles of Faith,” 3 September 2009, http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/beliefs/beliefs.shtml Sunni and Shi’a Islam has two major branches: Sunni and Shi’a. The two sects formed in the 7th century C.E., shortly after the introduction of Islam. Believers divided over a disagreement about selecting the successor, or caliph (khalifa), to the Prophet Muhammad, who died in 632 C.E. The Sunni, as they came to be known, believed Muhammad had not definitively selected a successor; they decided the first caliph should be elected from among the leaders of the Muslim community. They chose Abu Bakr, Muhammad’s father-in-law, as the first caliph. The opposing group, later called the Shi’a, believed that Muhammad had designated his son-in-law, Ali ibn Abi Talib, as his successor. They believed that only Muhammad’s descendants held a rightful claim to the caliphate. For Shi’ites, the role of caliph was eventually conceived as an imam, or spiritual leader; many Shi’a sects believe these leaders possess special insight. Ali was eventually selected as the fourth caliph (656–661 C.E.), but his appointment was not universally accepted in the Muslim community. The unresolved issue of succession created a deep divide between the two groups, leading to infighting and the assassination of Ali. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Islam: Islamic Thought: Theology and Sectarianism,” 14 May 2015, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/295507/Islam/69163/Theology-and-sectarianism The Sunni–Shi’a divide was cemented by the death of Hussein ibn Ali, the son of Ali and grandson of Muhammad. He was killed in the Battle of Karbala in 680 C.E. amid continued power struggles for the caliphate. While the two sects share the fundamental tenets of Islam, their separation resulted in a divergence of practices and beliefs. Over time, several splinter groups arose within the two major branches. Today, Sunnis make up approximately 85% of the global Muslim community. BBC, “Religions: Islam: Beliefs: Sunni and Shi’a,” 19 August 2009, http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/subdivisions/sunnishia_1.shtml Sufism: Mystical Faith and Devotions Sufism, known in the Islamic world as tasawwuf, is a mystical form of Islam. Its purpose is to obtain a direct, personal connection with Allah. Followers seek to achieve this by adhering to the Sufi path, or tariqah, a long-term course of study that involves devotion and practice. Sufi practices include ritual prayer, meditation, and various ascetic or ecstatic activities. Sufi spiritual leaders are known as shaykhs. Viewed as living saints, these holy men are believed to possess special spiritual power known as baraka. They act as mentors and spiritual guides to students who form brotherhoods (also know as tariqahs) around their teachings. Globally, Sufi practitioners are found among both Sunnis and Shi’ites. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Sufism,” 25 November 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/571823/Sufism In Yemen, Sufi mystics played an important role in spreading Sunni Islam in the Tihama and southern highlands. But they were not accepted in the northern and central highlands, where the dominant Zaydi Shi’ites rejected their practices. Thomas D. Gochenour, “Towards a Sociology of the Islamisation of Yemen,” in Contemporary Yemen: Politics and Historical Background, ed. B.R. Pridham (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 19. Sufi mystics are said to have initiated the consumption in Yemen of both coffee and qat, a leaf that is chewed as a stimulant. Marta Colburn, “Glossary: Sufi,” in The Republic of Yemen: Developmental Challenges in the 21st Century (London: Catholic Institute for International Relations, 2002), 78. Religious Divisions in Yemen Shafi’i The Shafi’is take their name from the Shafi’i school of Sunni Islam. The Shafi’i school is named for an Islamic legal scholar, Muhammad al-Shafi’i, who lived from 768–820 C.E. Shafi’is follow the basic guidelines of Sunni Islam, which is typically described as the orthodox (traditional) form of the religion. Although exact figures are unavailable, Shafi’is are thought to make up approximately 55% of the Yemeni population. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, “International Religious Freedom Report 2009: Yemen,” 26 October 2009, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2009/127361.htm With the exception of the northern and central highlands, they are predominant in most areas, including the Tihama, the southern highlands (from Ta’izz to the southern coast), and central and eastern Yemen. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 29. A distinguishing feature of the Shafi’i school in Yemen is its close connection with Sufism. (Orthodox Muslims traditionally reject Sufism as impure or un-Islamic.) Many Shafi’is in Yemen continue to incorporate Sufi elements into their religious practice. One such element is the tradition of visiting the tombs of Muslim saints or shaykhs. Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 1: Background Information: Religion” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007). Yemeni Shafi’is maintain a center for religious study at Zabid, on the Tihama. Werner Daum, “Islam,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 75. Zaydi History and Background Zaydis are followers of the Zaydiyyah sect of Shi’a Islam, which emerged in the 9th century. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Shi’ite: Early Development,” 5 May 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/540503/Shiite#toc272010 They take their name from Zayd ibn Ali, the grandson of Hussein ibn Ali, who was the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad. Followers of the movement recognize Zayd as the fifth imam, rather than his brother, Muhammad al-Baqir, who is recognized by most Shi’ites. The Zaydis are thus sometimes known as “Fivers.” Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 1: Background Information: Religion” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007). The Zaydis became dominant in the highlands of Yemen in the late 9th century, giving rise to a Zaydi state and a long succession of Zaydi imams. Sally Ann Baynard, “Chapter 1: Historical Setting,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 27. In the modern era, from 1918 to 1962, Zaydi imams ruled North Yemen. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Zaydiyah,” 2010, http://search.eb.com/eb/article-9078280 Today, Zaydis dominate the northern and central highlands. They constitute an estimated 45% of the Yemeni population. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, “International Religious Freedom Report 2011: Yemen,” 26 October 2011, http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2011religiousfreedom/#wrapper Imams for the Zaydis Although differences between Sunni and Shi’a Muslims have been widely reported, “different Shiite groups have historically disagreed among themselves on the identity, nature, and sequencing of the Shiite Imams.” Kamran Scot Aghaie, “The Passion of ‘Ashura’ in Shiite Islam,” in Voices of Islam: Voices of the Spirit, ed. Vincent Cornell (New York: Praeger Publishers, 2006), 119. The legitimacy of imams derives in part from being descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, or sayyid, a privileged group. Yet a distinguishing feature of Zaydi doctrine is that the position of imam could be filled by descendants of either of Ali’s sons, Hussein or Hassan. More importantly, Zaydis believed candidates for the role of imam needed to distinguish themselves by demonstrating proper character, leadership, and Islamic scholarship. In contrast, other Shi’a sects believe imams of certain lineage inherently possess special spiritual insight and other qualities. In other sects, the imamate was traditionally passed down from father to son. Although heredity was a factor for Zaydis, they did not believe imams possessed or inherited supernatural qualities or were infallible. Christopher Blanchard, “Islam: Sunnis and Shiites” (report, Congressional Research Service, 11 December 2006,) 5, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/78715.pdf For this and other reasons, Zaydis have been described as pragmatic and rational, rather than extremist or ideological. Werner Daum, “Islam,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 72–73. The Zaydis’ appreciation of individual merit (rather than just heritage) allowed competition and politics to play a role in the selection process. Zaydi imams were thus elected from an elite class by community leaders. Sally Ann Baynard, “Chapter 1: Historical Setting,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 24. The Zaydi imamate formally ended in 1962, when it was overthrown in a revolution that led to the founding of the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen). Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 27. Zaydis vs. Shafi’is; al-Houthi Because of its practical and relatively orthodox nature, the Shi’a Zaydiyyah has been called the “fifth school” of Sunni Islam. The differences between the Zaydis and the Shafi’is of Yemen are relatively minor in comparison to the broader Shi’a–Sunni divide. Both groups place great importance on religious scholarship, and both typically avoid extremist religious views. Werner Daum, “Islam,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 75. Ironically, the Zaydis reject any mystical or folk application of Islam, while the Shafi’is embrace Sufi traditions. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 1: Introductory: A Sketch of Physical and Conceptual Geography,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 11. These circumstances reverse the common pattern of the Shi’a-Sunni relationship, in which Shi’ites are seen as more mystical and Sunnis are more orthodox. Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 1: Background Information: Religion” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 23. Because they view imams as human rather than divine, Zaydis believe that unjust or illegitimate rulers can and should be overthrown. Such practice is seen as both a right and a duty. Sally Ann Baynard, “Chapter 1: Historical Setting,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 24–27. In recent years, an insurgency in northern Yemen has been spearheaded by a powerful Zaydi family, the al-Houthi. The al-Houthi family has questioned the legitimacy of the Yemeni government, a concern that is one of the factors behind the rebellion. Ali Abdallah Saleh, who headed the government until 2011, was also a Zaydi, although not a sayyid. Jeremy M. Sharp, “Yemen: Background and U.S. Relations” (report, Congressional Research Service, 13 January 2010), 8, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/mideast/RL34170.pdf Although the rebels have consistently denied it, the Saleh government has accused them of trying to restore the Zaydi imamate, which was abolished after Republican troops seized control of Sanaa in 1962. Paul Handley, “Saudi and Yemen Battle Shilte Rebels,” Agence France-Presse, 7 November 2009, http://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/saudi-and-yemen-battle-shiite-rebels This forced the imam to flee to the northern mountains, where he mounted a counteroffensive in the same locale as the Houthi rebellion. Ginny Hill, “Cold War Roots of Yemen Conflict,” BBC News, 17 September 2009, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/8261867.stm Ismaili Yemen is also home to a small group of Ismailis, a sect of Shi’a Islam. The sect emerged in the 8th century over disagreements concerning the selection of the seventh Shi’a imam. The Ismailis, as they came to be known, recognized Isma’il, the eldest son of the previous imam, Ja’far ibn Muhammad. But they were in the minority because most Shi’ites recognized Ja’far’s younger son, Musa al Qasim, as the seventh imam. (The larger group of Shi’ites ultimately became known as the Imamis, or Twelvers, who are today the predominant Shi’a group in the Muslim world.) Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Isma’ilite,” 2015, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/296133/Ismailite Over the following centuries, many schisms occurred within the Ismaili sect, resulting in varied beliefs and practices. The Ismailis who live in Yemen are divided into two subgroups: the Dawoodi (Daudis) Bohras and the Sulaymani Bohras. They are offshoots of the Musta’lian (Tayyibi) branch of the Ismailis. (These distinctions are important because of the wide range of beliefs among Ismailis). In Yemen, the Sulaymanis are the larger of the two groups. They are also known as the Makarima after the name of their ruling family. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 28. The Sulaymanis live in the Haraz region and parts of the northern highlands, including along the border with Saudi Arabia (around the Najran region). Sulaymanis have historically isolated themselves from the Zaydis. They are known as a progressive Muslim group. Farhad Daftary, “Chapter 5: Mustalian Ismailism,” in The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines (UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 321–23. The Dawoodi Bohras of Yemen represent a small portion of the larger Dawoodi community based in India. In Yemen, they are concentrated in the Haraz Mountains, which remain a major site of pilgrimage for the international Dawoodi community. Max Kasparek, “The Populations,” in Yemen: Haraz Mountains: Nature, Culture, Trekking (Heidelberg, Germany: Kasparek Verlag, 2007), 17–20. Although they split over issues of succession, the Sulaymanis and Dawoodis share a complex and often esoteric (hidden or mysterious) belief system. They follow the Ismaili tradition of taqiyya, the practice of hiding certain elements of one’s religious belief system and practices. Their spiritual leaders are known as da’i rather than imams because they believe, like some other Shi’a groups, that imams live in hiding. Da’i are viewed as messengers for the hidden imams. Sally Ann Baynard, “Chapter 1: Historical Setting,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 29–30. Both groups follow the Fatimad Ismaili tradition of observing seven (rather than five) pillars of Islam. These include: offering love and devotion to Allah and the prophets, imams, and di’a (walaya); ritual purity (tahara); daily prayers (salat); the giving of alms to the poor and needy (zakat); fasting (sawm); undertaking a pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj); and holy struggle or war (jihad). Farhad Daftary, “Chapter 4: Fatimad Ismailism,” in The Ismailis: Their History and Doctrines (UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 250., Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 1: Background Information: Religion” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 25. Religion and the State Islam is the state religion of Yemen, and shari’a, or Islamic law, is the basis of the country’s legal system. Both are decreed by Yemen’s constitution, which neither restricts nor protects religious freedom. Citizens and foreign nationals are free to practice a religion other than Islam, but non-Muslims comprise only a tiny percentage of the population. According to shari’a, it is illegal for Muslims to convert to another religion, and it is illegal for others to proselytize, or attempt to convert, Muslims to other faiths. These restrictions are enforced by the Yemeni government. Yemeni law also requires all elected government officials to be Muslim. The constitution states that the Yemeni president, in particular, “must practice his Islamic duties.” Religious groups do not have to register with the state, but government permission is required to construct new places of worship. Islam is taught in public schools. Muslims and non-Muslims have the right to attend private schools that may or may not teach the religion. To limit the spread of religious extremism, the government monitors mosques for sermons that urge violence or political rhetoric construed as a threat to public security. The government has closed more than 4,500 unlicensed religious schools and institutions because of concerns that they encouraged militant ideology or deviated from the government-approved curriculum. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, “International Religious Freedom Report 2011: Yemen,” 31 July 2011, http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2011religiousfreedom/#wrapper Despite the government’s efforts, Yemen remains susceptible to the spread of Islamic extremism and militancy. The government’s power is weak beyond the Sanaa region. This has allowed an unknown number of unlicensed schools and mosques that promote Islamic fundamentalism to operate unchecked. The country has been described as an “easy haven” for those wishing to study and train in militant Islam. Michel Moutot, “Yemen an Easy Haven for Foreigners Drawn to Militant Islam,” Agence France-Presse, 21 January 2010, http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Middle-East/2010/Jan-22/85090-yemen-a-haven-for-foreigners-drawn-to-militant-islam.ashx Rampant poverty, unemployment, and illiteracy have been identified as major factors contributing to the spread of religious extremism and militancy in the country. IRIN, “Analysis: Yemen’s Rebellions Fuelled by Economic Meltdown,” 4 February 2010, http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=87996 Islam and Gender Islamic law and custom call for strict boundaries between men and women. This notion, along with tribal customs, has contributed to the development of a patriarchal culture in which the respective roles of men and women are distinct. One of the most pervasive practices in Yemen is the segregation of the sexes. Yemeni men and women typically do not mix socially in public, especially if they are unrelated. Gender boundaries are also observed in the home, among the extended family. Many Yemeni women are restricted to the home through purdah, or the seclusion and veiling of women. This practice is partly tied to the traditional association of men with public spaces and women with domestic spaces. Circumstances vary by location and family, but many Yemeni women rarely leave the family compound or its immediate vicinity. Laurie Krieger, “Chapter 2: North Yemen,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, D.C: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 125–27. In public, most women wear a balto (a long cloak) and a hijab (a headscarf) and/or niqab (veil) to conceal themselves. Or they may wear a traditional outfit known as the sharshaf, which has even greater coverage. Joke Buringa, “Traditional Dress and Fashion,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 98. Purdah is tied to Islam’s general code of modesty for women, who are traditionally seen as more susceptible to sexual urges and advances than men. Although excluded from group prayer at the mosque, Yemeni women gather instead at Quranic study groups known as nadawat. These informal gatherings may be held at a women’s home or, occasionally, at a mosque. The meetings typically include a lecture on religious themes—presented by a woman—followed by socializing. This trend has been observed, in particular, among middle class women in Sanaa. Such meetings were tied to an Islamic charity organization. Janine A. Clark, “Chapter 4: The Islah Charitable Society in Yemen: Women’s Social Networks, Charity, and Da’wa,” in Islam, Charity, and Activism: Middle-Class Networks and Social Welfare in Egypt, Jordan, and Yemen (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), 115–16. Islam in Daily Life Prayer The daily lives of Yemenis revolve around the basic duties of Islam. Foremost among daily rituals, Muslims must perform a series of prayers, known as salat (the second pillar of Islam). These prayers are performed five times a day: at dawn, noon, mid-afternoon, sunset, and evening. As prayer times correspond with the position of the sun (and thus vary throughout the year), Muslims are called to prayer by the muezzin (or muadhdhin). The muezzin typically announces the call for prayer from the minaret of the local mosque. Prayers can be performed individually or with fellow Muslims at the mosque. Prayer at mosques is traditionally reserved for male Muslims. Women typically pray at home; if they do pray at mosques, they are segregated from men. The noon prayer on Friday, the Islamic holy day, is the most important prayer. It is performed communally by male Muslims at the mosque. All prayers must be offered facing Mecca, the holy city of Islam, which is located in Saudi Arabia, to the northwest of Yemen. John L. Esposito, ed., “Salat,” in The Oxford Dictionary of Islam (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 275. Washing Ritual: Wudu or Ablution Before prayer, Muslims are required to perform ablution, or wudu, as a form of ritual purification. This process involves washing one’s hands, face, arms, neck, and feet, as well as rinsing out the mouth and nose. Muslims may also recite the shahada at this time. Cyril Glassé, ed., “Wudu,” in The New Encyclopedia of Islam, 3rd ed. (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2008), 553–55. Wudu is not performed only for physical cleanliness, although this is important. Rather, the rite is meant to spiritually and mentally cleanse the participant to perform a holy action in a pure and concentrated state. The necessity of performing multiple daily prayers encourages Muslims to maintain ritual purity throughout the day. In Yemen, where water is extremely scarce, a family’s water supply may be wholly reserved for drinking and performing wudu. IRIN, “Yemen: Drought Displaces Thousands in Mountainous Northwest,” 5 May 2008, http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=78048 In the absence of water, symbolic elements, such as sand or a stone, may be used, or a person may simply perform the motions. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Tahara,” 2015, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1549171/tahara Ritual Purity/Tahara Ritual purity is known as tahara, and it extends to avoiding impure substances (such as bodily fluids) and foods considered unclean (such as pork). Full ablution, known as ghusl, is required to reach a state of ritual purity. Ghusl typically consists of washing the entire body in a ritual manner. This may be performed at a hammam, or bathhouse. Only after wudu or ghusl are performed can prayers or religious rites be conducted in good faith and righteous action. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Tahara,” 2015, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1549171/tahara Social Welfare: Zakat While zakat funds generally play a prominent role in improving social welfare in Muslim societies, their impact in Yemen is more limited. Like other Islamic countries, the government in Yemen handles collecting zakat through local councils. There have been complaints that most of it is spent on administrative costs, including council member travel, and little actually reaches the poor (al-mustahiqqin), the intended beneficiaries. Those who refuse to pay or underpay according to council calculations, the minimum being the equivalent of 2.5% of a family’s annual income, can be prosecuted. Charities also collect zakat since merchants may retain 25% of their obligatory contribution and disperse it to organizations of their choice. Ali Saeed, “The Absence of Zakat’s Impact on Yemen’s Economy,” Yemen Times, 14 October 2009. Religious Events and Festivals Islamic events and festivals are observed according to the Islamic lunar calendar, which is shorter than the standard Gregorian calendar used in the United States and other countries. The dates of these events on the standard calendar thus change from year to year. Ramadan Ramadan is the ninth month of the Islamic calendar and the major religious event for Muslims. It is during this period that observant Muslims fulfill the third pillar of Islam, undertaking a fast (sawm). This event commemorates the initial revelation of the Quran to Muhammad, which according to Muslim tradition was performed by the Angel Gabriel (Jibril) during the month of Ramadan. Ramadan provides an opportunity for Muslims to show their devotion to the Islamic faith. Throughout the month, observant Muslims must abstain from eating, drinking, and engaging in sexual intercourse during daylight hours. Restrictions also apply to smoking and chewing gum. These prohibitions are observed to demonstrate piety and self-restraint. Muslims are also expected to enhance their study of the Quran during this time. Ramadan is a time of spiritual and physical purification. Zakat is paid at this time. Exchange 1: When will Ramadan start?
Soldier: ayHeen 'ayibtadee ramaDhaan?
(When will Ramadan start?)
Local: ghudwa
(Tomorrow.)
Large meals, known as iftar, are typically served after sunset to offset the rigorous demands of daytime fasting, which can cause fatigue and irritability. The pace of everyday life slows considerably during holy month. Muslims work fewer hours, and businesses and shops follow irregular schedules. In the Muslim community, young children and the sick and infirm may be exempted from the fast. Non-Muslims, including foreigners, are not required to fast, but they are expected to refrain from eating, drinking, smoking, or chewing gum in public. Skyrocketing food costs and protests over rising petrol costs have put a crimp in Ramadan celebrations in recent years. Mohammed Ghobari, “As Bleak Ramadan Begins, Yemeni Protesters Cling to Hope,” Reuters, 3 August 2011, http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/08/03/oukwd-uk-yemen-ramadan-idAFTRE7721P520110803 , Caroline Gluck, “Ramadan in Yemen—the Hardest Year Ever,” Huffington Post, 9 August 2012, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/caroline-gluck/ramadan-in-yemen---the-ha_b_1758876.html Eid al-Fitr The end of Ramadan is celebrated with a multiday festival known as Eid al-Fitr, or the Festival of the Breaking of the Fast. During this time, Muslims share traditional meals and exchange gifts with family and friends. This holiday is sometimes known as Eid as Sagheer, or the Lesser Festival. Exchange 2: Will you be celebrating Eid?
Soldier: 'atiHtafalo bil-'eed?
(Will you be celebrating Eid?)
Local: aywa
(Yes!)
Eid al-Adha The Islamic festival Eid al-Adha occurs in the 12th month of the Islamic lunar year, known as Dhu al Hijjah. This month is the time for Muslims to observe the fifth pillar of Islam, the undertaking of a holy pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj). Marking the end of the pilgrimage, Eid al-Adha, or the Festival of the Sacrifice, commemorates Ibrahim’s offer to sacrifice his son in obedience to Allah. As told in the Quran, Ibrahim prepared to sacrifice his son to Allah, but Allah intervened at the last moment and revealed that it was a test of faith. In an act of mercy, Allah allowed Ibrahim to sacrifice a ram instead. During the multiday festival, Yemenis sacrifice animals, primarily goats and sheep, to provide feasts for family and friends. Celebrations begin with city children burning tires and country children lighting fires. Tamjid Alkohali, “Eid Al-Adha: A Historical Tradition Connected to Religion,” National Yemen, 28 September 2014, http://nationalyemen.com/2014/09/28/eid-al-adha-a-historical-tradition-connected-to-religion/ Adults distribute a portion of the food to the poor and needy. Eid al-Adha is also called Eid al-Kabeer, or the Greater Festival. Other Events and Holidays While Ramadan and the two Eids are the most important religious events, Yemeni Muslims observe additional holidays of religious significance. Muharram is the Islamic New Year. It is celebrated on the first day of Muharram, the first month of the Islamic lunar calendar. Mouloud celebrates the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. Muslims observe this holiday during the third month of the Islamic calendar, Rabi’ al-Awwal. Both of these events, as well as the two Eids, are national public holidays. Ashura, the anniversary of the martyrdom of Hussein ibn Ali, is a major religious event for most Shi’ites. It occurs on the 10th day of the month of Muharram, a period of mourning for the Shi’a community. The Zaydis reportedly do not commemorate this event to the extent that other Shi’a sects do. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 29. Places of Worship Mosques A mosque, or masjid, is the traditional site of Muslim worship. The largest and most important mosques are known as jama (or jami) masjid. These mosques, also called Friday mosques, host large communal prayers on Fridays (the Islamic holy day) and holidays. They are found in city or town centers. Smaller mosques are scattered throughout villages and rural areas, so each community has one if not several mosques. Mosques have several basic features. The main prayer hall is where Muslims meet to worship. They sit on the floor, which is covered in mats or carpets. The mihrab is a niche in the wall of the prayer hall that faces Mecca, and is known as gibla. Muslims always pray facing the holy city. To the right of the mihrab is the minbar, or pulpit, where the prayer leader stands during services. Minarets are towers attached to the mosque from which the muezzin calls Muslims to prayer. Mosques contain designated areas for Muslims to remove their shoes and washrooms where they perform their ritual ablution (wudu) before prayer. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Mosque,” 1 April 2014, http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/393679/mosque, BBC News, “Religions: Islam: Prayer and Worship: Mosque,” 18 August 2009, http://www.bbc.co.uk/religion/religions/islam/prayer/mosque.shtml Besides holding prayer services, mosques often serve as schools and communal meeting centers. Great Mosque The Great Mosque, or Jama al Kabir, in the capital, Sanaa, is one of Yemen’s most well known and culturally significant mosques. It dates to the 7th century and is thought to be among the world’s oldest masjid. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 23. It has long functioned as a center for Islamic studies. The compound houses a library containing a large collection of ancient manuscripts. Frances Linzeel Gordon, “Sana’a: Mosques,” in Lonely Planet: Arabian Peninsula (Footscray, Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications, 2004), 376. Another, newer mosque in Sanna is known as the Saleh Mosque, after the country’s president, Ali Abdallah Saleh. Capable of holding roughly 40,000 people, this massive mosque opened in 2008 to some controversy. BBC News, “Yemen’s New $60m Mosque,” 24 November 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7745708.stm Its cost of USD 60 million was seen by many Yemenis as an extravagant use of government resources considering much of the population remains poor and lacks basic social services. Associated Press, “Yemen’s Poor Outraged by Massive Mosque for President,” Fox News, 23 November 2008, http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,456506,00.html Women, Mosques, and Dress Women are typically not allowed to attend prayer services at mosques. An exception to this norm is seen among the Bohras (the Yemeni Ismailis), who reportedly permit their women to pray at mosques. Mohammed al-Kibsi, “Bohra Celebrate 96th Birthday of Da’i al-Mutlaq Syedna Burhanuddin,” Yemen Observer, 8 May 2007, http://www.yobserver.com/front-page/10012153.html Female worshippers are nonetheless relegated to a separate section. Most mosques in Yemen do not allow entry to non-Muslims. Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 2: Practical Information: Mosques,” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 62. (Cemeteries may also prohibit non-Muslim visitors.) VisitYemen, “ABC for Visitors,” n.d., http://www.visityemen.com/index.html Non-Muslims should receive express permission from mosque officials before entering a mosque. Exchange 3: May I enter the mosque?
Soldier: mumkin adKhul al-masjid?
(May I enter the mosque?)
Local: aywa
(Yes.)
Yemenis wear conservative clothing, especially when visiting a mosque. Men generally wear skullcaps and women wear headscarves. Exchange 4: Do I need to cover my head?
Soldier: laazim aghaTee raasee?
(Do I need to cover my head?)
Local: aywa
(Yes. )
Visitors need to dress conservatively to avoid causing offense. Men should wear loose-fitting pants and long-sleeved shirts. Women should wear loose-fitting clothing that covers everything above the ankles, including the arms and shoulders. They should also wear headscarves. Finally, and of great importance, shoes must be removed before entering a mosque. Exchange 5: Must I take off my shoes inside the mosque?
Soldier: laazim aKhla' jazmatee daaKhil al-masjid?
(Must I take off my shoes inside the mosque?)
Local: aywa
(Yes.)
For the Shafi’is, the tombs of Sufi saints also serve as sites of pilgrimage and religious veneration. The practice of visiting these tombs is known as ziyara. David Buchman, “The Underground Friends of God and Their Adversaries: A Case Study and Survey of Sufism in Contemporary Yemen,” American Institute for Yemeni Studies, 1997, http://www.aiys.org/no-39-1997/189-the-underground-friends-of-god-and-their-adversaries-a-case-study-and-survey-of-sufism-in-contemporary-yemen.html Such tombs can be found in regions where the Shafi’is are predominant: the Tihama, the southern highlands, and central and eastern Yemen. Werner Daum, “Islam,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 73.