Introduction Yemeni society is deeply rooted in adat wa taqalid, or “customs and traditions.” Susanne Dahlgren, “Islam, Custom and Revolution in Aden: Reconsidering the Background to the Changes of the Early 1990s,” in Yemen into the Twenty-First Century: Continuity and Change, eds. Kamil A. Mahdi, Anna Würth, and Helen Lackner (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2007), 329–30, 341. These range from basic codes of interaction to forms of social organization, such as tribe, class, and gender. Combined with the beliefs and practices of Islam, these customs make Yemen a conservative, traditional society. Circumstances vary greatly from a southern urban center like Aden, for example, to a remote wadi (valley) in the eastern plateau. Yet in all regions, Yemenis place great value on customs and manners. As in many Muslim cultures, such practice relates to preserving individual and familial honor, which are highly valued and closely linked in Yemeni society. This is especially true among Yemeni tribes, for whom heritage and perceptions of character determine social status. These factors not only affect everyday social relations but also economic and political matters in the community. In many areas of Yemen, the tribal order operates independently of the central government, which has limited authority beyond the Sanaa region. Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, “Country Profile: Yemen,” August 2008, 19, http://memory.loc.gov/frd/cs/profiles/Yemen.pdf The absence of the state in these mostly rural areas contributes to the need for strong, traditional forms of local organization. As one writer described it, “This narrow and almost inflexible social order both demands and supports the solidarity of the community.” Jeff Meissner, “The Tribes—The Backbone of the Nation,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 115. At the same time, tribal traditions and politics play a major role in the central government. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa, 11 January 2006), 35–38, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Yemen is thus characterized by the coexistence and interaction of a strong tribal society and weak state administration. Zaid al-Alaya’a, “Tribes Should Be Social Entities not Political Participants, Says al-Dhaheri,” Yemen Observer, 22 September 2007, http://tabsir.net/?p=329 Traditional Social Groups Social organization varies widely in modern Yemen, where different regions have unique histories and cultural influences. Social structures may even vary from village to village within a region. Traditionally, there are several types of social groupings recognized throughout much of Yemen. Although these structures have broken down to some extent, they remain influential. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa, 11 January 2006), 12, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf At the top of the traditional hierarchy are the sayyids, or saada, an elite group of well-educated and often wealthy families. They trace their lineage to the Prophet Muhammad, a heritage that carries immense prestige. Men from their ranks served as religious leaders and conflict mediators. The Zaydi Shi’a imam was chosen by the sayyids from among their own class. Just below the sayyids in the hierarchy were the qadis (quda), a class of Muslim scholars who distinguished themselves through education rather than heritage. Qadis could transmit membership in the class to their offspring. The term qadi is broadly used in the Arab world as the name for a traditional Islamic judge; Yemeni qadis have held other esteemed scholarly and professional positions as well. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Social Class and Tribe,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 113–15. In the modern era, qadis have, to some extent, surpassed sayyids in stature. Qadis now play a greater role in the central government than sayyids. Some sayyids have aligned themselves more closely with tribes following the diminished importance and, in some cases, rejection of their class in post-revolution Yemen. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 4: Estates of Society Within the Tribal Peace,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 140–41. The largest social group is that of the qabili (qabail), or tribesmen. Most tribesmen are sedentary agriculturist landowners. (Landless farmers, or peasants, who traditionally have a lower social status than tribesmen are known as fellahin.) John G. Kennedy, “Chapter 2: History and Social Structure of North Yemen,” in The Flower of Paradise: The Institutionalized Use of the Drug Qat in North Yemen, ed. Margaret Lock (Dordrecht, Netherlands: D. Reidel Publishing Company, 1987), 46–47. Tribesmen provided protection or sanctuary (hijra) for the elite sayyids and qadis and for lower-class non-tribesmen whom they took on as clients. As landowners and warriors, tribesmen were seen as independent and self-sufficient. They have a similar reputation today. Tribesmen continue to carry weapons to mark their tribal identity. Members of a tribe often claim a common heritage—either through blood or political alliances—that can be traced back to pre-Islamic times. This gives them significant social esteem. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 33. Yet for many tribes, especially those in the highlands, territory plays a greater role in shaping tribal identity. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Social Class and Tribe,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 116. Hashid and Bakil The Hashid and Bakil—two tribal confederations—are the most powerful and influential tribes in Yemen. Based north of Sanaa, the Hashid confederation is the more politically dominant of the two; it plays a strong role in the central government. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa, 11 January 2006), 12, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Yemen’s president, Ali Abdallah Saleh, is a member of the Hashid. Robert D. Kaplan, “A Tale of Two Colonies,” Atlantic, April 2003, http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200304/kaplan Among the qabili is an elite group of families known as the mashaykh, from which tribal leaders, or shaykhs, are traditionally chosen. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Social Class and Tribe” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 115–21. Locally elected shaykhs have been increasingly incorporated into the central government in recent years. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa, 11 January 2006), 36, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Tribalism remains strongest in the northern highlands and areas of the eastern plateau. In the coastal plains, it is “weak or virtually nonexistent.” In the south, the promotion of socialism under the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (1970–1990) played a significant role in weakening tribalism. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa, 11 January 2006), 13, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Bottom of the Pyramid The lowest social group in Yemen has consisted of persons without a traceable ancestry—an essential source of identity and esteem in Yemen. Its members are sometimes known generally as Bani Khums. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Social Class and Tribe” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 123–24. People who work in various service or commercial positions, which were typically passed from generation to generation, make up this group. It includes shopkeepers, artisans, butchers, barbers, bathhouse workers, and street sweepers, among others. Such positions were deemed lowly by tribesmen and the elites. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 34–35. Members of this group were landless and dependent upon tribesmen for protection. They were thus considered “weak” and without ‘ard (honor). Paul Dresch, “Chapter 4: Estates of Society Within the Tribal Peace,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993),118–23. In urban areas, state services (e.g., education) and a cash economy have increased economic mobility and broken down many of the traditional prejudices against people working in these service positions. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa, 11 January 2006), 13, 28, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Although social change has dissolved and modified the traditional hierarchy to some degree, an extremely marginalized group is known as the Akhdam, or “servants.” Typically dark skinned (with African features) and poor, they work as street sweepers or cleaners and live in slums. They prefer to be called “al Muhamasheen,” or “the marginalized ones.” Robert F. Worth, “Languishing at the Bottom of Yemen’s Ladder,” New York Times, 27 February 2008, http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/27/world/middleeast/27yemen.html Another low-status group is known as the abid, the descendents of slaves. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Social Class and Tribe,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress,1986),123–24. Honor and Values Among Yemeni Tribes In Yemen, as in most Islamic societies, the notion of honor plays a major role in shaping traditional codes of conduct. This is especially true among Yemeni tribes, who follow a code of customary or tribal law known as urf, or urf qabili. This social code has also historically been called taghut, a derogatory reference to the code’s pre-Islamic foundations and its deviations from shari’a, or Islamic law. Laila al-Zwaini, “State and Non-State Justice in Yemen” (conference paper, U.S. Institute of Peace, Kabul, 10–14 December 2006), 3, http://www.usip.org/files/ROL/al_zwaini_paper.pdf Yet urf operates alongside shari’a to regulate Yemeni tribal society. Shari’a addresses religious custom and family law, but ulf pertains to conduct, responsibility, and relations among and between tribes. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Social Class and Tribe,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 121–22. The specifics of customary law are not universal among Yemeni tribes, who agree on general notions of right and wrong but may differ in terms of process or interpretation. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 3: Tribes and Collective Action,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 107–8. Honor and Shame The central theme of tribal custom is the maintenance of honor (sharaf). For tribesmen, honor is the defining characteristic of a person’s self-worth and reputation in society. Honor must be protected at all times to prevent it from being tarnished. A tribesman’s honor is bound to that of his family, ancestry, and tribe. Those with a more noble ancestry are seen as possessing greater honor. Individually, gaining and maintaining honor depends upon a tribesman’s character and behavior. Courage, religious virtue, hospitality (generosity), strength, integrity, and self-possession (composure) are some of the most highly valued attributes. Steven Charles Caton, “Chapter 2: Gabyilah: Ideologies of Tribalism, Language, and Poetry,” in“Peaks of Yemen I Summon”: Poetry as Cultural Practice in a North Yemeni Tribe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 26–30. A tribesman’s honor is dependent upon his ability to protect the honor and sanctity of his land, home, and family. This aspect of honor is known as ‘ard, which is associated with the defense of what is seen as vulnerable or weak, particularly land and women. (Yemeni tribes have a saying: “al-ard ‘ard” or “land is honor.”) Bound by tribal code and his honor, a tribesman is responsible for the protection of guests and refugees. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press,1993), 54–55, 59–61. Loss of Honor While these two conceptions of honor, sharaf and ‘ard, are inextricably connected, subtle differences can be seen in perceptions of how they may be lost. A Yemeni tribesman’s honor is tarnished by committing or suffering a disgraceful or demeaning act. The concept of disgrace or shame is known as ‘ayb. As it refers to sharaf, acts of ‘ayb include cowardice or stinginess, or any failure to adhere to basic social codes of propriety. It also refers to insults and gossip that question or slight a tribesman’s character. In this sense, a man’s face is said to be a reflection of his sharaf: “What ‘breaks’ a man’s sharaf is said to ‘blacken’ his face. . . . By contrast, the face is ‘whitened’ by courage, generosity, and honourable [sic] conduct.” Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 54–55, 59. Tribesmen thus make promises on their honor, or “face,” by drawing their finger down their face or grasping their beard. This indicates that they are giving their word. Shelagh Weir, “Chapter 2: Social and Political Inequality,” in A Tribal Order: Politics and Law in the Mountains of Yemen (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2007), 42. A tribesman’s ‘ard is damaged by acts that violate the sanctity and privacy of his land, home, or family. This includes any actions that limit his ability to protect such assets. This happens if he is relieved of his weapons. Acts of trespass, physical assault, or murder are attacks on a tribesman’s ‘ard. In such instances, a tribesman’s damaged ‘ard is seen as “ravaged,” “violated,” or “exposed.” Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen, (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 54–55. Tribesmen are therefore territorial and extremely protective of anything that falls under their domain. Mediating Conflict and Making Amends Yemeni tribes possess a strong sense of shared responsibility, which is the product of a strict honor code that discourages dishonorable action by tying a tribesman’s honor to that of his family and community. Yet infractions and conflicts often occur, and tribal law has mechanisms for mediating and resolving them. Laila al-Zwairi, “State and Non-State Justice in Yemen” (conference paper, U.S. Institute of Peace, Kabul, 10–14 December 2006), http://www.usip.org/files/ROL/al_zwaini_paper.pdf Tribal leaders, or shaykhs, traditionally serve as conflict mediators. When an act of insult or injury has damaged a tribesman’s honor, amends are sought to restore “balance” (mizan) to the situation. Settlements are negotiated through an often lengthy and complex arbitration process overseen by one or several shaykhs. Amends most often take the form of a payment in cash or goods. The size of the payment depends upon the seriousness of the insult or injury (‘ayb). Minor offenses may result in small cash payments, while a serious offense, such as the killing of a fellow tribesman, requires a large payment. For the latter, a payment known as “blood money” (diyah) is required to make amends for the “blood-debt” (dayn al-dam). Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” and “Chapter 3: Tribes and Collective Action,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 47–53, 55–56, 92–94. Guarantors who represent the parties involved ensure the amends are made. Some payments, such as diyah, may be supplied by the whole tribe or part of the tribe. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 3: Tribes and Collective Action,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 84–85. Tribesmen who commit a serious breach of tribal law may be expelled from their tribe and left to fend for themselves. Jeff Meissner, “The Tribes—The Backbone of the Nation,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992), 118. Although the central government operates official courts, this traditional form of conflict resolution remains in practice in tribal areas. World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa Region, 11 January 2006), 13, 28, 32, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Here official channels of state government may be out of reach, and attempting to resolve disputes through them may be a source of shame. Laila al-Zwaini, “State and Non-State Justice in Yemen” (conference paper, U.S. Institute of Peace, Kabul, 10–14 December 2006), 3–4, http://www.usip.org/files/ROL/al_zwaini_paper.pdf Blood Feuds Not all conflicts are resolved quickly or peacefully. Although most settlements are made through material compensation, revenge is perceived as an honorable option and necessary for restoring one’s good name (naqa). Sarah Phillips, “What Comes Next in Yemen? Al-Qaeda, the Tribes, and State Building” (paper, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Middle East Program, March 2010), 9, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/files/yemen_tribes.pdf Revenge can develop into a bloody cycle in which each act of violence is met with a reciprocal response. Tribal mediation is designed to prevent these conflicts from spiraling out of control and from wreaking long-term social and economic instability on a community. Yet disputes over land, water, and selection of marital partners frequently result in murder, often compelling the relatives of the deceased to seek revenge. Revenge killings have even spread to urban areas, where tribal members who migrated to the city may live without the protection of their rural counterparts. Some observers have tied the spread of revenge killings to a decline in tribal values that once limited the practice. One such factor is the perceived corruption of the shaykh’s role. According to some sources, the shaykh has been incorporated into the central government, thus reducing his accountability to his people. Zaid al-Alaya’a, “Tribes Should Be Social Entities not Political Participants, Says al-Dhaheri,” Yemen Observer, 22 September 2007, http://www.yobserver.com/reports/10012989.html , World Bank, “Republic of Yemen: Country Social Analysis” (report, Water, Environment, Social and Rural Development Department, Middle East and North Africa Region, 11 January 2006), 38, http://siteresources.worldbank.org/BOLIVIA/Resources/Yemen_CSA.pdf Although he may have previously had a vested interest in restoring harmony to demonstrate his leadership skills, now he does not. The widespread availability of guns also makes it difficult to prevent disputes from degenerating into blood feuds (tha’r). Laila al-Zwaini, “State and Non-State Justice in Yemen” (conference paper, U.S. Institute of Peace, Kabul, 10–14 December 2006), 8, 10, 13–14, http://www.usip.org/files/ROL/al_zwaini_paper.pdf Tribesmen and Jambiya Reflecting their history as a warrior class, tribesmen (qabili) carry weapons as a sign of status. Traditionally the right was reserved for tribesmen and some elites, but not the lower classes. Weapons are not only a means of defense, but an emblem of a tribesman’s honor, masculinity, and strength. This is especially true of the jambiya, a curved dagger that is widely carried throughout Yemen. The dagger is sheathed and typically worn upright, front and center, on a tribesman’s belt. (This placement marks a tribesman.) The sheath and the handle of the jambiya are usually decorated. Jambiya are highly prized by their owners, with some worth a fortune depending upon the materials they are made of and their age. A tribesman’s social status is evident from the value and design of his jambiya. These daggers play an important role in the coming-of-age cycle for males, who carry them regularly as adults. According to one shaykh, “To this day, a number of people would rather die than be seen in public without their Jambiyas.” Abdul Rahim al-Shawthabi, “Jambiya: Deep-Rooted Tradition,” Yemen Post, 12 March 2009, http://www.yemenpost.net/Detail123456789.aspx?ID=100&SubID=170&MainCat=5 A tribesman may touch or draw attention to his jambiya, a symbol of his honor (sharaf), when he represents himself or feels his honor is in question or under assault. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 32–33, 35–36. To unsheathe the dagger in a hostile manner dramatically signals potential conflict. Shelagh Weir, “Chapter 2: Social and Political Inequality,” in A Tribal Order: Politics and Law in the Mountains of Yemen (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2007), 37–42. Firearms Firearms are also commonly carried by tribesmen. These are highly prized possessions and symbols of a tribesman’s strength and masculinity. As one Yemeni community leader said, “ . . . a tribesman can give up everything except his gun.” IRIN, “Yemen: When Cultural Norms Underpin Gun Ownership,” 21 May 2006, http://carnegieendowment.org/2010/03/11/what-comes-next-in-yemen-al-qaeda-tribes-and-state-building Are you carrying any guns? Soldier: bitiHmil ayi seelaaH? Are you carrying any guns? Local: aywa Yes. 6 According to tribal custom, guns are necessary for defense but should be carried and used with restraint. Although they are fired at celebrations, they are not to be discharged with “hostile intent” during times of peace. Shelagh Weir, “Chapter 2: Social and Political Inequality,” in A Tribal Order: Politics and Law in the Mountains of Yemen (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2007), 42–43. Gun ownership is widespread, especially in the northern highlands and eastern plateau. Small arms proliferation is a serious issue in Yemen. In 2009, a low estimate placed the number of small arms in the country at nearly 10 million, with most of them in private hands. Some estimates made in the last decade place this number as high as 60 million, or almost three guns for every Yemeni. Richard Engel, “Yemen’s Weapon Culture,” BBC News, 22 January 2002, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/1775938.stm Only in 2007 was the open carrying of guns banned in the urban capitals of each governorate, or administrative region, of the country.Tik Root, “Gun Control, Yemen-style,” Atlantic, 12 February 2013, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/02/gun-control-yemen-style/273058/ Yet this law has been difficult to enforce and, according to reports, has merely moved the country’s thriving gun trade from open markets to private homes and shops. IRIN, “Yemen: Small Sales Heading Underground,” 14 February 2010, http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=88094 Gender Roles and Relations Traditional Roles In Yemen, the respective roles of men and women are defined by custom and local interpretation of shari’a, or Islamic law. Likewise, interactions between the sexes are strictly regulated. Like most Muslim Arab cultures, Yemeni society is strongly patriarchal, so authority lies with the male head of household. Yemeni society is also patrilineal, meaning lineage is traced on the father’s side of the family. Men enjoy more rights and greater social status than women, who are subordinate to their husbands and male relatives. As the head of the household, men are expected to be strong-willed providers and protectors of their family. They make the important decisions for the family and represent its interests in the public sphere. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Gender Roles,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 125. Women, on the other hand, are expected to be good Muslims and mothers, and preferably to bear sons. Their role is often limited to the domestic sphere, where they care for children and perform essential duties for the household. They are expected to be chaste and modest. Susanne Dahlgren, “Islam, Custom and Revolution in Aden: Reconsidering the Background to the Changes of the Early 1990s,” in Yemen into the Twenty-First Century: Continuity and Change, eds. Kamil A. Mahdi, Anna Würth, and Helen Lackner (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2007), 340–42. Gender and Honor The secondary status of women in Yemeni society is a product of traditional views and kinship systems. In a patrilineal system, women earn their status by producing male offspring who carry on the family’s name and wealth. But even though Yemeni men trace their heritage through their father, honor is inseparable from that of female relatives. Women also represent the family’s honor, and their character and actions reflect not only upon themselves but also upon their family. This custom follows the tradition of shared honor and responsibility among Yemeni families and tribes. By custom, women are under the domain of their male relatives, whose honor (‘ard) depends on their ability to protect them. Women are seen as weak and vulnerable, not only to external threats, but to their own desires. This is especially considered true pertaining to female chastity and preserving virginity before marriage. Khaled al-Quzahy, “Modernity and Conservatism: A Study of the Status of Yemeni Women” Saarbrücken, Germany: Lambert Academic Publishing, 2014 A woman’s “sexual honor” is known as namus, which is closely related to the notion of ‘ard. Both are vulnerable qualities (and assets of the family) that require fierce protection by male relatives. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 44–45, 54–55. In this way, a woman’s namus is bound to the honor of her male relatives, who are bound to protect her. In addition, male relatives monitor or control a woman’s behavior because, according to tradition, women are less responsible and more susceptible to impulse than men. Susanne Dahlgren, “Islam, Custom and Revolution in Aden: Reconsidering the Background to the Changes of the Early 1990s,” in Yemen into the Twenty-First Century: Continuity and Change, eds. Kamil A. Mahdi, Anna Würth, and Helen Lackner (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2007), 340–42. Yet even incidents that are beyond a woman’s control, such as cases of assault, bring disgrace to both her and her family. Any damage to a girl’s namus may hinder her family’s ability to secure a marriage partner for her—a process that has both social and economic implications. Segregation and Seclusion These traditional views shape the daily lives and interactions of men and women in Yemeni society. The segregation of men and women is common practice. Members of the opposite sex do not mix socially in public, especially if they are unrelated. Gender boundaries are also observed in the home, among the extended family. Physical contact between unrelated men and women is taboo; even friendships between members of the opposite sex are seen as inappropriate. The public realm is a male-dominated space. Many Yemeni women are restricted to the home through the practice of purdah, or the seclusion and veiling of women. Circumstances vary according to location and family. Urban women and those from wealthy rural families were the most secluded because their participation in the public workforce was not necessary. Today, many Yemeni women remain restricted to the family compound or its immediate vicinity. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Gender Roles,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 125–27. Women may be escorted by male relatives in public. A woman’s interaction with members of the opposite sex is often limited to her male relatives within the domestic realm. All of these practices protect a woman’s namus and the honor of her family. They also reflect the Islamic custom of maintaining boundaries between the genders. In the region comprising the former South Yemen, such practices were loosened under the socialist government of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (1970–1990). But since unification in 1990, conservative customs such as purdah have reemerged across the south. Ulf Laessing, “Women of Southern Yemen Port Remember Better Times,” Reuters, 22 January 2010, http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE60L2ZD20100122 , Susanne Dahlgren, “Islam, Custom and Revolution in Aden: Reconsidering the Background to the Changes of the Early 1990s,” in Yemen into the Twenty-First Century: Continuity and Change, eds. Kamil A. Mahdi, Anna Würth, and Helen Lackner (Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2007), 340–43. The seclusion of girls and women to the home contributes to a wide gender gap in Yemen. Yemeni women, for example, have substantially lower rates of literacy and workforce participation than Yemeni men. World Economic Forum, “Global Gender Gap Report 2009: Yemen” (Geneva, 2009), http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2009.pdf Because the legal system is weak, female propriety is enforced by the community. Ginny Hill, “Yemen Divided on Vice and Virtue,” BBC News, 11 August 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7546907.stm Abuse and Honor Killings Women who fail to comply with the social code—such as wearing an inappropriate outfit—may face verbal harassment from men in public. Domestic abuse is considered a private family affair and thus goes undocumented. The stigma of shame encourages this practice. Abused women are expected to seek help from a male relative, so as to keep the matter in the family. Rape is illegal but rarely prosecuted because such charges are difficult to prove. Without a confession, Yemeni law requires testimony from four female witnesses or two male witnesses to verify its occurrence. (The higher value of a male witness reflects traditional perceptions of gender.) More often, rape victims are themselves charged with “fornication” while the suspect is released. As a result, rape often goes unreported. Honor killings are also thought to occur in Yemen, although they are rarely reported or documented. These killings are carried out in extreme cases in which a woman or girl is thought to have shamed her family. Serious offenses include committing adultery, engaging in premarital sexual relations, or suffering rape. The death of the shamed woman in an honor killing is thought to restore the family’s honor and good name (naqa). Paul Dresch, “Chapter 2: The Language of Honor,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 49. Male relatives usually carry out the killings themselves, and they are often supported by the male community in doing so. Indeed, Yemeni law grants leniency to persons convicted of committing violent crimes against women in the name of restoring honor. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, “Yemen,” in 2008 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, 25 February 2009, http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2008/nea/119130.htm Qat Chewing Qat is a shrub whose leaves are chewed as a mild stimulant. It is not a narcotic, as is often claimed. Manfred Wenner, “Chapter 1: The Land,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 12–13. Its chemical compounds are more closely related to amphetamines. Fritz Piepenburg, “Passing the Time with Qat,” in Insight Guide: Yemen, 2nd ed., ed. Hans Höfer (Singapore: APA Publications, 1992). Qat is widely consumed in Yemen as part of daily afternoon social gatherings. For men, these gatherings are known as maqil. Maqil provide an opportunity for male community members to share conversation, conduct business, settle disputes, discuss local economic and political issues, and exchange lore and poetry. Paul Dresch, “Chapter 1: Introductory,” in Tribes, Government, and History in Yemen (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 20. For women, who consume the drug less often or not at all, qat may be chewed during female social gatherings known as tafrita. These gatherings also take place in the afternoon. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Geographic and Demographic Setting: Qat,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 106–8. Maqil are held in the entertaining room (mafraj) of the host’s home, where guests arrange themselves according to social status. Guests bring their own qat, which is purchased freshly cut, on a daily basis, in the markets. (Qat must be consumed no later than 24–36 hours after its harvest, a condition that has limited its export.) Chewers carefully pick their qat leaves, which are amassed in a large lump on the inside of the cheek. The juices take effect within an hour. While it may vary from person to person, the initial effect is said to be a “feeling of excitement and elation” that lasts for a couple hours. This is followed by a “dreamy, contemplative mood” that “lasts an hour or more.” During the initial stage of the qat chew, conversation is lively and animated. As the feeling of euphoria fades, so does the conversation, leading to periods of silence and quiet contemplation. The drug suppresses the appetite but provokes thirst. Drinking water or soda during the process is therefore common, as is smoking. Beginning after lunch in the early afternoon, these gatherings typically last until early evening. Laurie Krieger et al., “North Yemen: Geographic and Demographic Setting: Qat,” in The Yemens: Country Studies, 2nd ed., ed. Richard F. Nyrop (Washington, DC: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1986), 106–8. Qat: A Social Problem Although qat chews have a long history in Yemen, widespread daily consumption of the plant has been increasingly identified as a serious social problem. Heavy use has been tied to illnesses such as kidney and liver disease. In some Muslim Arab countries, such as Saudi Arabia, qat chewing is outlawed for being un-Islamic. Saeed al-Batati, “Yemeni Social Worker Calls for Clampdown on Qat Dens,” Arab News, 25 January 2009, http://www.arabnews.com/node/320277 In Yemen, the plant is generally not considered a drug, even by officials. Yet qat chewing can be an everyday habit that absorbs much of a Yemeni’s disposable income and free afternoons. In a country with high poverty and unemployment, some observers view qat chewing as a waste of productive labor hours and precious funds. Suzan Ghanem, Jowhara Zindani, and Zinadine Zindani, “Qat: The Plague of Yemen,” Yemen Observer, 26 February 2008, http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1917685,00.html Some farmers may spend more than half their income on the plant, which is widely consumed by all levels of society. High demand for the plant makes it Yemen’s primary cash crop, creating an incentive for cultivators to replace food crops with qat, a water-intensive crop. This contributes to domestic food shortages as well as an increased strain on the country’s dwindling water supply. Lin Noueihed, “Qat Draws Water and Life from Impoverished Yemen, ” Reuters, 29 May 2007, http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKNOA93814520070529?sp=true Greetings and Interactions Yemenis greet others in a formal manner that respects status and gender. A common formal greeting is the standard Arabic blessing used throughout the Muslim world: Exchange 7: May peace be upon you.
Soldier: as-salaamu 'aleykum
(May peace be upon you.)
Local: wa-'aleykum as-salaam
(And upon you be peace.)
When exchanging this blessing, Yemenis may place their right hand on their chests as a show of sincerity. They may also bow slightly. Exchange 8: Good morning.
Soldier: SabaaH al-Khayr
(Good morning.)
Local: SabaaH an-noor
(Good morning.)
Men greet each other with a light handshake using the right hand. Handshakes are typically extended to foreigners. Exchange 9: Good evening.
Soldier: masaa al-Khayr
(Good evening.)
Local: masaa an-noor
(Good evening.)
Close male friends may hug and kiss each other on the cheek. They may also hold hands, which in Arab culture is a sign of friendship, not homosexuality. Same-sex romantic relationships are illegal in Yemen and the death penalty can be imposed on offenders. Refworld, “Situation for Homosexuals in Yemen, Including Societal Attitudes,” Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, 16 July 2004, http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,,QUERYRESPONSE,YEM,4562d8cf2,41501c7615,0.html Exchange 10: How are you?
Soldier: keyf Haalak
(How are you?)
Local: bi-Khayr al-Hamdu lilaah
(Fine, very well.)
When greeting a group, Yemenis first greet elders and men of high status. For small groups, a handshake is offered to each man, while a nod and a general greeting may be used to meet large groups. Exchange 11: Hi, Mr. al-Akhmar.
Soldier: ah-lan ya aKh al-aHmar
(Hi, Mr. al-Akhmar.)
Local: ah-lan
(Hello!)
Soldier: anta bi-Khayr?
(Are you doing well?)
Local: na'am
(Yes.)
Eye contact is appropriate and important during communications between men. Yemenis may communicate indirectly about delicate matters to avoid causing offense or shame. It is inappropriate for men to ask each other specifically about their female relatives. Exchange 12: How is your family?
Soldier: keyf al-usra?
(How is your family?)
Local: hum bi-Khayr, shookran
(They are doing fine, thank you.)
Yemeni women greet each other with a handshake. If they are close, they may hug and kiss each other on the cheek or hold hands. Although interactions between members of the same gender can be friendly and physical, interactions between men and women are formal and reserved. Physical contact is limited or completely restricted, especially between unacquainted men and women. In conservative communities, Yemeni women might not be introduced to unfamiliar men. In these settings, it is inappropriate for men to make direct eye contact or stand close to such women. When women are introduced to men, men should wait for the woman to initiate a handshake or any conversation beyond a formal verbal greeting. Eye contact should be minimal; staring is inappropriate. Formality and propriety should be maintained at all times so as not to cause shame or offense, which can bring serious repercussions. Foreign women should not take offense if a Yemeni man will not shake her hand. Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, “Arab Cultural Awareness: 58 Factsheets” (T2COM DCSINT Handbook No. 2, Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, January 2006), http://www.fas.org/irp/agency/army/arabculture.pdf Right Hand vs. Left Hand As in most Muslim cultures, Yemenis maintain an important distinction between the right and left hands. The right hand is used for all public interactions, including shaking hands, eating, drinking, making a payment, presenting or receiving a gift, and other actions. The left hand is associated with matters of personal hygiene conducted in the bathroom and is thus considered unclean. It is therefore highly inappropriate to use the left hand for eating, passing things to others, or performing other public acts. Even left-handed visitors should observe this custom to avoid causing offense. Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, “Arab Cultural Awareness: 58 Factsheets” (T2COM DCSINT Handbook No. 2, Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, January 2006), http://www.fas.org/irp/agency/army/arabculture.pdf Hospitality and Gift-Giving Generous hospitality (karamah) is a tribal tradition and matter of great pride among Yemenis. Acts of hospitality bring honor to both the guest, who is treated with respect and generosity, and the host, whose generosity earns him esteem from his peers. Steven Charles Caton, “Chapter 2: Gabyilah: Ideologies of Tribalism, Language, and Poetry,” in “Peaks of Yemen I Summon”: Poetry as Cultural Practice in a North Yemeni Tribe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 28. Common demonstrations of hospitality include invitations for tea, a qat chew, a meal, or a social event. Social engagements are segregated by gender. Men who visit a Yemeni’s home, for example, might not meet or even see the host’s female relatives. Guests should wear clean, conservative attire when visiting a Yemeni’s home for such an event. Yemeni homes have a special room, known as a diwan, for entertaining guests. They may also have a mafraj (mafradsh), a lounge used to host qat chews. The mafraj, which is often on the highest floor of the traditional tower house, is typically the best decorated. Here, the hosting family and guests sit on cushions on the floor. Guests are expected to remove their shoes when entering the home. In Yemen, gifts are only exchanged between close friends and family members. Executive Planet, “Yemen: Gift Giving,” n.d., http://www.executiveplanet.com/index.php?title=Yemen:_Gift_Giving It is respectful for guests to bring a small gift for the host or his children when visiting the home. Small food items such as sweets or pastries are appropriate. When giving gifts, foreigners should respect Islamic dietary customs that prohibit Muslims from consuming pork or alcohol. Do not give money or cheap souvenirs. Lizbeth Pereira, “Yemen: Etiquette, Customs, Facts and Vital Information,” MissionsLaunch, 2008, http://www.missionslaunch.com/category/regions/middle-east/yemen/ Gifts should be wrapped and presented with the right hand or both hands. By custom, Yemenis may once or twice refuse to accept a gift before doing so with gratitude. Exchange 13: This gift is for you.
Soldier: teeyeh hadeeya lak
(This gift is for you.)
Local: maa-agbalhaash
(I cannot accept this.)
Following the Yemeni way, foreigners should also initially refuse a gift before accepting it, and it should be received with the right hand or both hands. Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, “Arab Cultural Awareness: 58 Factsheets” (T2COM DCSINT Handbook No. 2, Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, January 2006), http://www.fas.org/irp/agency/army/arabculture.pdf Gifts are not opened in front of the giver. Yemen College of Middle Eastern Studies, “Yemeni Culture: Social Events,” 2009, http://www.ycmes.org/culture.html Eating Habits Although eating habits vary by family and region, the midday meal is the largest and most important meal for Yemenis. It is held in the early afternoon, after the midday prayer and before the daily qat chew. Evening dinners are small, in part because of the appetite-suppressing qualities of qat. Meals are served on a large cloth on the floor of the dining or entertaining room. Any invitation to join Yemenis for a meal at home ensures it will be a lavish spread. It’s advisable not to eat much beforehand because declining successive servings could be interpreted as disliking the food. Or it might be seen as a sign of politeness, and a guest might be pressed to eat more. Lizbeth Pereira, “Yemen: Etiquette, Customs, Facts and Vital Information,” MissionsLaunch, 2008, http://www.missionslaunch.com/category/regions/middle-east/yemen/ Exchange 14: I really appreciate your hospitality.
Soldier: shookran 'ala Dheeyaafatkum
(I really appreciate your hospitality.)
Local: maaheesh shey
(It is nothing.)
After removing their shoes, guests should wait to be seated by the host; they will likely be seated in a particular place. Guests should be careful not to step on the dining cloth or in front of anyone already seated. People sit cross-legged, sometimes atop cushions. Guests should avoid pointing the soles of their feet at others, which is considered rude. Before and after eating, guests are given the opportunity to wash their hands. This is an important custom that meets Islamic guidelines for ritual purity and cleanliness. It is also a matter of basic hygiene because Yemenis typically eat with their fingers instead of using utensils. Yemen College of Middle Eastern Studies, “Yemeni Culture: Food Etiquette,” 2009, http://www.ycmes.org/culture.html Tea (shay) is served before the meal, which is the time for conversation. After a prayer, little is said during the meal since that would dishonor the food. Individuals might have their own plates for some dishes. Food should be taken from the dish and eaten with the right hand only because the left hand is considered unclean. Likewise, dishes should be passed to and received from others using the right hand. Guests should avoid licking their fingers. Since there are no utensils, bread is used to scoop food. Guests will be encouraged to eat heartily from a variety of dishes. It is polite for guests to express their satisfaction with the meal as well as appreciation for the amount of food served. Exchange 15: The food tastes so good.
Soldier: al-akl Haalee gawee gawee
(The food tastes so good.)
Local: shookran
(Thank you.)
Guests should leave a small portion of food on their plate as a sign that they are full and satisfied. Such practice reflects well upon the host’s ability to provide a bountiful meal. The last course is a beverage, most likely coffee or tea but perhaps water. Guests are expected to depart shortly thereafter. Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, U.S. Army Training and Doctrine Command, “Arab Cultural Awareness: 58 Factsheets” (T2COM DCSINT Handbook No. 2, Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas, January 2006), http://www.fas.org/irp/agency/army/arabculture.pdf Food and Drink Yemeni dietary habits are shaped by Islamic custom. Like most devout Muslims, Yemenis generally limit their intake to foods deemed halal, or acceptable according to Islam. Prohibited foods are deemed haram. Islamic Food and Nutrition Council of America, “What Is Halal?” 1999–2009, http://www.ifanca.org/cms/wpages/detail/4ca47c89-ec4c-41ba-ac38-1c111b830f0c Most notably, Islam prohibits the consumption of pork and alcohol. These prohibitions are widely observed in Yemen, where pork is practically nonexistent and alcohol is severely restricted. Islamic custom requires animals to be slaughtered in an appropriate manner by Muslim butchers. Although much of the Yemeni population works in agriculture, the majority of Yemen’s food supply is imported because of a lack of domestic food crops. IRIN, “Yemen: Food Insecure Face Double Whammy,” 2 February 2009, http://www.irinnews.org/Report.aspx?ReportId=82687 Meat, vegetables, rice, and bread are the core components of the Yemeni diet. Yemenis use many distinctive spices that reflect both Middle Eastern and South Asian (Indian) cuisine. These include cumin, turmeric, coriander, cardamom, caraway, and fenugreek. Common types of meat are chicken, goat, and lamb, the latter being the most prized. Kebabs, or grilled meat chunks, are typical of Middle Eastern cuisine. Meats, especially beef, are a luxury for poor Yemenis, and they are used to the fullest extent. Flavorful broths and soups are made from boiling meat or bones with spices. Things Asian, “The Exotic Cuisine of Yemen—The Ancient Happy Arabia,” 29 March 2006, http://www.thingsasian.com/stories-photos/3576 One type of spicy meat and vegetable soup is known as shoubra. Things Asian, “Recipe: Shoubra—Meat Soup,” 29 March 2006, http://www.thingsasian.com/stories-photos/3580 Exchange 16: This food is very good.
Soldier: Theeyeh al-akl 'ees gawee
(This food is very good.)
Local: Theeyeh marag
(It’s Marag.)
Coastal areas enjoy fresh fish, commonly baked in a clay oven and served with rice. Frances Linzee Gordon et al., Lonely Planet: Arabian Peninsula (Footscray, Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications, 2004), 371. Bread, available in numerous varieties, accompanies practically every meal or is a meal in itself. Breakfast is typically small, often consisting of tea (shay) and bread, with eggs and/or beans. Lunch is the primary meal of the day. The characteristic lunchtime meal is known as saltah, which is often described as Yemen’s national dish. Exchange 17: What is the name of this dish?
Soldier: eysh ism al-akla teeyeh?
(What is the name of this dish?)
Local: teeyeh saltah
(This is saltah.)
Saltah is a spicy meat stew containing eggs and various vegetables, such as tomatoes, onions, potatoes, beans, and/or lentils. Served very hot, this stew is seen as the best meal to eat before the afternoon qat chew. Diana Viola and Elinor Moore, “Dining with the Queen of Sheba: Ethiopian Cooking and Yemeni Cooking,” InMamasKitchen, n.d., http://www.inmamaskitchen.com/FOOD_IS_ART/mideast/ethiopia_yemen.html Saltah is flavored with fenugreek, a bitter seed used to make a common cooking paste known as hilbah (hulba). This whipped paste is incorporated into saltah and other dishes, and may also be used as a dip. Things Asian, “Recipe: Hulbah—Fenugreek Paste,” 9 March 2006, http://www.thingsasian.com/stories-photos/3577 Another common sauce is zhug, a spicy relish also known as zahawag. Tom Jaine, ed., “Yemen,” in The Oxford Companion to Food, 2nd ed. (UK: Oxford University Press, 2006), 860–61. Exchange 18: What ingredients are used to make zhug?
Soldier: keyf bita'maloo as-saHaawig?
(What ingredients are used to make zhug? )
Local: aT-Tamatees ma' thom wa-miliH wa-basbaas aKhDhar wa-heyl wa-kazbara
(Tomatos, garlic, salt, pepper, cardamom and coriander.)
Dinner dishes, which are typically small, include fasouliya (beans) and ful, a bean paste made with spices and vegetables. Frances Linzee Gordon et al., Lonely Planet: Arabian Peninsula (Footscray, Victoria, Australia: Lonely Planet Publications, 2004), 371. Asid (asit) is a sorghum porridge commonly eaten by peasants in the countryside. Yogurt and honey are popular condiments. The latter is used on desserts such as bint al-sahn, a layered pastry. Tea (shay) is usually served sweetened. Mocha, a famous local variety of coffee, is available but expensive. Many Yemenis thus drink qishr, which is made using ground coffee husks rather than beans; it often comes spiced with ground ginger. Tom Jaine, ed., “Yemen,” in The Oxford Companion to Food, 2nd ed. (UK: Oxford University Press, 2006), 860–61. Fruit juices (aseer) are also available. Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 2: Eating and Drinking,” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 55. Dress Codes Styles of dress vary by region and social group. Yemenis dress modestly, but follow styles and trends. This is especially true for women, most of whom practice types of purdah. A common garment for women is a long coat called a balto, known as an abaya elsewhere in the region. This is usually paired with a hijab, or headscarf, and/or a veil (niqab). Providing even greater coverage than the balto, the sharshaf consists of “a pleated wrap skirt, a triangular hood draped over the head and shoulders . . . and a translucent black face covering.” This outfit has been seen as a mark of “urban sophistication” in Yemen. In the highlands, rural women may wear a shawl (maswan) over their heads while walking outside their village. Although considered less fashionable today, some elderly Yemeni women wear a sitara (setarrah), which is a colorful, patterned cloth draped over the body. Eman al-Jarady, “The Setarrah: An Endangered Species?” Yemen Observer, 28 August 2007, http://www.yobserver.com/news-varieties/10012842.html Underneath their outer garments, women typically wear dresses, with either pants or leggings worn underneath. Western clothing is relatively common in urban areas. In rural areas, women’s dress has traditionally been more colorful than that of urbanites. Jewelry (usually gold or silver) and traditional or modern forms of makeup are also common. Najwa Adra, “Yemen,” in Encyclopedia of Women and Islamic Cultures: Family, Body, Sexuality and Health, vol. 3, ed. Joseph Suad (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2006), 47–48. For men, traditional dress consists of a futah, or a pleated kilt that reaches below the knees, and a shirt. In the highlands, where temperatures are cooler, jackets and vests are also worn. Another traditional garment for men is the thawb, a long, loose-fitting robe, often worn over pants. Turbans are the most common form of headgear, although some men may wear a traditional kofia, a conical bamboo hat that carries formal significance. Encyclopædia Britannica Online, “Yemen: Cultural Life: Daily Life and Social Customs,” 2010, http://search.eb.com/eb/article-273063 Yemenis typically wear sandals. Belts are a standard accessory; they are needed to carry the jambiya, the most important accessory for Yemeni men. A jambiya carried toward the front, in the center of the belt, is the mark of a tribesman. Sayyids and qadis carry their jambiya to the right, toward the hip. They also wear all-white clothing. Manfred W. Wenner, “Chapter 2: People and Culture,” in The Yemen Arab Republic: Development and Change in an Ancient Land (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 46. Men may also wear some Western clothing, especially in urban areas. Following Yemeni fashion, foreigners should dress conservatively. Both genders should wear loose-fitting clothing that covers the arms, shoulders, and legs. Exchange 19: How should I dress?
Soldier: eysh ilbas?
(How should I dress?)
Local: ilbis libs muHtaram yighaTee jismak
(Wear loose fitting clothes which cover your body.)
Foreign women are not required to wear a balto and hijab, although headscarves are recommended. Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 2: Practical Information,” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 50. Exchange 20: Is this acceptable to wear?
Soldier: Theeyeh libaas muHtaram?
(Is this acceptable to wear?)
Local: na'am
(Yes.)
Nonreligious Holidays Although not as important as religious holidays, Yemenis recognize several secular holidays of political and historical significance. Unlike Islamic holidays, these secular events are marked on the standard (Gregorian) calendar rather than the Islamic lunar calendar. Held on 22 May, National Unity Day commemorates the merger of North and South Yemen, in 1990, to form the current Republic of Yemen. Two holidays recognize respective revolutions in the north and south. Revolution Day (26 September) marks the overthrow of the last Zaydi imam in 1962, which led to the foundation of the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen). National Day (14 October) commemorates the Yemenis’ initial rebellion against the British in the south, in 1963, which eventually led to the formation of the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen). Held on 30 November, Independence Day commemorates South Yemen’s official independence from the British in 1967. The Yemeni government also recognizes Labor Day (1 May), an international holiday. Daniel McLaughlin, “Chapter 2: Practical Information,” in Yemen (Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press, 2007), 56–57. Dos and Don’ts Do greet Yemenis in a formal manner. Do dress conservatively and avoid tight or revealing clothes. Do treat elders with utmost respect. Do take your shoes off when entering a home or mosque. Do leave a small portion of food on your plate after a meal. Don't eat or pass items with your left hand. Don't initiate handshakes with women. Don't stare at or approach unfamiliar women. Don't enter a mosque without permission. Don't show the soles of your feet when sitting. Don't take photographs of people, especially women, without their permission.